Mr. Amde (Ethiopia): Let me begin by congratulating you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for the month of July. I assure you of my delegation’s full support.

My country, Ethiopia, is undergoing a significant transformation that requires delicate and context-driven handling of its domestic affairs. In our bilateral meetings with members of the Council and the informal dialogue we had last month, we exchanged views and concerns — all of which the Government of Ethiopia approached and acted upon in a constructive manner. Therefore, I am surprised by the rationale in calling for this open meeting. We are fully cognizant of the responsibility of the Council to work towards international peace and security. The very first requisite for that onerous responsibility is to encourage dialogue and prevent escalation through constructive engagement and the reinforcement of achievements.

This meeting has been called at a time when the Government has taken bold measures and political decisions to meet the needs and well-being of its people affected by the law enforcement operation in Tigray. That measure should have encouraged our friends to give support and de-escalate the unhelpful pressure. Equally, we wish to express our appreciation to everyone for recognizing our resolve for peace behind the difficult initiative we have taken. Since the Council held the informal interactive dialogue on the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia, there are critical developments that deserve the Council’s recognition and constructive outlook.

On 28 June, the Government of Ethiopia decided to cease the active military engagement of the Ethiopian National Defense Force in the Tigray region. That decision for a humanitarian ceasefire was reached after a concerted deliberation with various stakeholders and partners. We hope that magnanimous and far-sighted decision will not be wasted by the irresponsible conduct of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) group, which the Government of Ethiopia opted to tolerate for the sake of the people of Tigray and to alleviate the humanitarian situation in the region.

The decision to cease military operations is hoped to create a conducive environment for humanitarian operations in Tigray. It will also pave the way for an inclusive national dialogue. The TPLF group that we were pursuing continued its belligerence to protect a few individuals. In furtherance of its agenda, it began conscripting young and elderly civilians, women and men, to fight highly trained and armed men of their country. That exposed people in Tigray to a military confrontation they were not prepared for. Furthermore, it posed a risk for disruption to the agricultural season. The group’s ethnically charged tactics of pitting the people against the Government have also been found to be detrimental to our innate social fabric.

As a result, the Government of Ethiopia, as the bearer of the primary responsibility to protect its people, made a difficult political decision to suspend active military operations in favour of safeguarding the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Ethiopian State.

We believe we have now created a space for unfettered humanitarian assistance and the proper conduct of the agricultural planting season. In addition, we will augment humanitarian efforts in the region, including the distribution of food and non-food items from warehouses across Tigray. The National Disaster Risk Management Commission and the five humanitarian agencies deployed in all woredas of the region are set to resume functioning. Furthermore, we are in the process of adapting the humanitarian assistance guidelines and coordination mechanism to the new developments. Public services will also resume once we create a situation for the safe operation of the infrastructure and its operators.

Ethiopia faced the inevitable journey of addressing the political underpinnings of what we had experienced last November when our defense forces were attacked from within. The immediate need lies in creating an environment for the delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance. In that regard, the Government will continue to exert maximum efforts and allocate the available resources to that end.

We welcome and appreciate the concern expressed by Council members for our compatriots in Tigray who have regrettably sustained the burden of the law enforcement operation due to the cowardly tactics of the TPLF group.

It is important to underline that the wounding and suffering of any Ethiopian is unacceptable. The shortcomings in preventing that suffering are not something that the Government belittles. In the same vein, we take our responsibility to ensure accountability and remedy those problems with maximum seriousness. For absolute clarity, I would like to reaffirm my Government’s firm commitment to those core responsibilities of the State.

There certainly are internal as well as external factors that play into the security challenges we are facing. The external security threats against us — through no fault of provocation on our part — are complicating our internal political dynamics and distracting us from key national priorities. I wish to implore the Council to act with full awareness of the external challenges Ethiopia is facing.

Following the organization of peaceful and successful national elections this month, efforts are now geared towards building a strong, united and democratic country. In that connection, the Ethiopian Government is developing a road map for inclusive dialogue to ensure lasting peace and stability.

I want to reaffirm my Government’s resolve to ensuring accountability for human rights abuses and crimes committed in the Tigray region. We will make sure that impunity is not tolerated. We remain committed to working with all bilateral and multilateral partners through genuine partnership and an understanding that the Government of Ethiopia is more than capable of overcoming those challenges. We encourage Council members to play a constructive role in supporting the Ethiopian Government in the implementation of the humanitarian ceasefire. We again thank Council members that have welcomed that positive gesture.

In contrast, I would like to make it clear that the political pressure and hasty bilateral coercive measures against Ethiopia are unacceptable and violate basic tenets of international law. Excessive pressure will push this ancient country of 110 million people to the precipice and deprive it of any possibility of recovery. The people of Ethiopia are indeed watching and should not perceive that our pronouncements are pushing them to the abyss and endless political division. For Ethiopia, this is a moment of introspection, a genuine revisiting of our successes and challenges.

The main issue is how to heal our wounds. There is unfinished grieving and mourning, such as with regard to the Mai Kadra massacre by the TPLF youth group and the suffering of the people of Wollega in Tigray, who have been evicted from their ancestral land over the past 30 years. Therefore, there needs to be proper closure. The political culture of impunity should have closure. We know that overcoming our own challenges is what exults us as a nation. What would alleviate us as a nation is our commitment and the commitment of our people to stand for peace. We might be poor, but we also have hope. We are people with cherished values. For Ethiopia, hope is still alive.

In conclusion, I hope the Council will look at the situation in my country in the right perspective, understand the magnitude of the challenges we face and recognize the important step we have taken in that regard. What we really need at the moment is the support, understanding and solidarity of the international community. That is why I want to conclude by appealing to international partners and friends of our country to continue scaling up humanitarian support to meet humanitarian needs across Ethiopia.

Prime Minister Abiye Speech to Parliament July 5, 2021

Meeks Issues Statement After Committee Hearing on Conflict in Ethiopia June 29, 2021

Washington, DC - Today, Representative Gregory W. Meeks (D-NY) Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, issued the following statement after the Committee conducted a hearing on the status of the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia:

“Today’s hearing on Ethiopia, held against the backdrop of a dynamic situation in the country’s Tigray region, underscores the scope and complexity of the conflict there. The Ethiopian government’s unilateral call for a humanitarian ceasefire in the last twenty-four hours opens the door for all parties to the conflict to come to the negotiating table in good faith. I welcome these developments and remain hopeful that the Ethiopian people will soon find the peace they so richly deserve. There is no room for bellicose rhetoric from those who seek to undermine this temporary reprieve from the shocking and unacceptable violence that has ravaged Tigray since November.

“I commend the Biden Administration for its efforts to address the crisis in Ethiopia and urge further engagement on the ethnic tensions that continue to divide the nation. Until all parties to the conflict in Tigray uphold their commitments, the United States and Congress will continue to call for a full and permanent withdrawal of all Eritrean troops from Ethiopia and unfettered access for humanitarian workers who need to operate in Tigray. I am confident the United States will support efforts to prioritize the protection of civilians and de-escalation of violence that could potentially jeopardize this tenuous ceasefire.”

The way forward to Ethiopia-U.S. relations: Collaboration or confrontation?

— June 19, 2021 comments off

DEMEKE MEKONNEN

(FDRE Deputy Prime Minister & Minister of Foreign Affairs)

Mutually beneficial relations based on a common understanding and respect are central to further enhancing the Ethio-U.S.A. relations to a higher level with a direct impact on policies and institutions on the ground. In this regard, the US Senate resolution 97 is unhelpful to seek a lasting solution to the instabilities in the Tigray region of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Withholding development aid and programmatic support to Ethiopia will hurt ordinary citizens and taint the longstanding relations between the two countries. Efforts to nurture long-term economic, political, and diplomatic relations between the two nations should be based on collaboration, not confrontation. The U.S.A. needs to avoid being perceived as interfering in the internal affairs of nations or enhancing insecurity and socioeconomic vulnerability in countries such as Ethiopia. Senate resolution 97 is a matter of concern to Ethiopians and the country’s leadership. However, it should be of equal concern to the Whitehouse, State Department, and other executive branches as it hinders opportunities to advance the U.S.A.’s long-term interests in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

What is at stake?

Ethiopia is critically important to cement strong, viable and sustainable partnerships and relationships with countries of the world—developed and developing. Stable and vibrant Ethiopia is a key not only for the stability of the otherwise turbulent Horn of Africa but also for the beneficial and mutual relationships with diverse nations and economies. Today, the country boasts a total population of 110 million – the second populous nation in Africa after Nigeria with the median year of 19.5 years. Prior to the onslaught of the COVID-19 pandemic, Ethiopia has been one of the fastest growing economies in the world. The robust and dynamic growth performance has improved the country’s capacity to finance its development needs and served as a magnet to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), principally from countries such as China, India, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), in 2020 (a midst of COVID-19), Ethiopia was the third-largest recipient of FDI in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), competing with natural resources-rich countries of the region. Interestingly, while most countries of SSA attract FDI to their extractive sectors, Ethiopia’s FDI flows have been destined to the manufacturing and infrastructure sectors of the country. These trends have also redirected international trade away from the traditional developed economies towards newly emerging economies, with China alone absorbing the lion’s share in the country’s imports and exports. These global trends with an increasing shift in economic relations towards the developing South have diminished the role and significance of traditional development partners (USA, UK, and EU). The trends can serve as a signal for these partners to reestablish their relevance and reassert their strategic significance in Ethiopia and the rest of SSA. SSA is the region where developed countries have been ceding their historical significance in FDI and trade flows to China, India, and other emerging economies. Despite declining trade and investment flows between the U.S.A. and Ethiopia, the U.S.A. has been an important source of Official Development Assistance (ODA) particularly to the social (education and health) sectors of Ethiopia. The U.S.A. also provides preferential investment and trade benefits to Ethiopia and several countries of Africa through the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Diaspora remittances have become important sources of financing mega-projects in Ethiopia in addition to supporting household consumption expenditures. Besides financial sources, the transfer of skills and knowledge of the Ethiopian Diaspora is vital for the country’s development. The largest sources of remittances and specific technical and know-how transfers are from the Ethiopian diaspora in the U.S.A. These show the vital supports of the U.S.A. for Ethiopia’s development endeavours and sustain partnerships of the two nations. The engagements in and support of the U.S.A. to Ethiopia’s development efforts are also key to ensure and protect U.S.A.’s broader political, security and economic interests in the region. Ethiopia had also been included to benefit from the US Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) in 2018 when the country was deemed eligible to access MCA resources based on a complex set of criteria consisting of governance, economic freedom, policy, and political stability, among others. Despite ample opportunities to solidify and expand Ethio-U.S.A partnership, the U.S.A. has become a marginal player in Ethiopia’s trade, investment, and finance that may have significant ramifications to the long-term economic and strategic interests of the U.S.A. in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

The way forward

What seems a political stalemate between the U.S.A. and Ethiopia today requires moving beyond traditional discourses and “outside the box” thinking. This includes continuous efforts on both sides to recognize their mutual interests in the global socio-political situations and geo-political landscapes in the Horn of Africa. They must understand their common but differentiated responsibilities in resolving challenges in the political and humanitarian arenas in Ethiopia and defusing regional tensions. The U.S.A. must be an honest and neutral party in finding lasting solutions to internal conflict in Ethiopia and regional tensions. Threats of sanctions or any punitive measures will seriously harm the US interest and undermine its credibility in the Horn of Africa. Likewise, Ethiopia should continue efforts to open up democratic space and modernize its socioeconomic conditions. Such an approach is needed to build mutual trust and consensus between the two countries on issues of common interest, bilateral relations or in dealing with collective global challenges such as international terrorism or global warming. There is an urgent need to seek the best way forward to advance mutually beneficial and collaborative relations. Forward-looking strategies based on mutual respect, interests and common understandings are necessary to foster genuine and mutually beneficial partnerships. Confrontational relationships and punitive measures will dampen opportunities for fostering mutual relationships and legitimize warlords at the expense of state-to-state relations. In this context, the US Senate resolution 97 is misplaced, unwarranted and unhelpful to seek a lasting solution to the instabilities in the Tigray region of Ethiopia. The resolution instead of addressing the root causes of the crisis has unnecessarily focused on the consequences of the crisis. After all, the U.S.A. is fully aware of the ongoing efforts of the Ethiopian Government, the United Nations, and the broader international community to stabilize the Tigray administrative region, rehabilitate the victims and resettle displaced people. Core issues contained in the resolution such as, “protection of human rights” and “undertaking independent investigation for all allegations” requires expanded support and genuine partnership by the U.S.A. Improving overall governance and resolving conflicts need collaborative relationships not punitive measures or threats of sanctions-targeted or otherwise. The U.S.A. should recognize that what Ethiopia needs more today than ever before is peace and stability as well as sustained improvement in socioeconomic conditions. When these translate into improved aggregate national income and investment in infrastructure and economic transformation, no doubt, Ethiopia offers increased opportunities for market expansion for goods and services and can be an ideal location for investors from across the world, including the U.S.A. The U.S.A. should also recognize that Ethiopia has been the source of a global peacekeeping force through the United Nations. It has been among the few nations contributing to regional peace and stability, including in the global fight against international terrorism in a historically turbulent region of the Horn of Africa. Moreover, Ethiopia is also a diplomatic hub of Africa with its capital-Addis Ababa-hosting several international and regional organizations, including the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). The African Union (AU) is the regional organization, which is the pulse of Africa’s economic, political, and diplomatic relations with the rest of the world. For any nation – superpower or otherwise-forging collaborative relationships with Ethiopia is vital to pursue their respective strategic interest in the African continent. The U.S.A. is not an exception in this.

Conclusions

The current hiccupsin relationships between the U.S.A. and Ethiopia should not put their mutual, beneficial, and vital economic and strategic interests in Africa on a rocky road. Vibrant and stable Ethiopia is vital for the stability of the Horn of Africa and for the protection and promotion of strategic interests of its development partners, including the U.S.A. Therefore, what Ethiopia needs from its traditional development partners such as the U.S.A. is enhanced, expanded and robust financial, technical, diplomatic, and political supports. As much as Ethiopia needs the continued and expanded support of development partners, the country’s principal partners (particularly the USA) also need the progress and stability of Ethiopia as a regional partner. Despite the numerous short-term and medium-term challenges facing Ethiopia, history has shown us that the country can and will bounce back and re-emerge as a viable and dependable partner. The current political and socioeconomic challenges including those related to COVID-19 are temporary stumbles or hurdles, but these are not insurmountable. Therefore, it is vital that the U.S.A. stands by Ethiopia instead of brandishing its economic and strategic might against the country. It is critically important for the U.S.A. to recognize that its relations with Ethiopia are one of the oldest in the African continent not only in terms of diplomatic or state-to-state ties but also people-to-people relations. The ties between the two countries have overcome or withstood the tests of time. They have seen their shares of ups and downs as well as tensions over the last decades. Despite all storms in state-to-state relations, ties between the peoples of Ethiopia and the U.S.A remain solid and beneficial for the two countries. In sum, in spite of the asymmetrical economic, strategic and development paths of the two countries, the relationships between the U.S.A. and Ethiopia have equally been beneficial to both parties. Admittedly, the moral of the US trade and economic supports to Ethiopia has been pro-poor and pro-development. Likewise, Ethiopia is a credible and principled partner of the U.S.A. in the turbulent Horn of Africa. The two countries should revitalize their mutually beneficial engagements and partnerships as they could not afford to ignore or undermine one another.

Editor’s Note: The views entertained in this article do not necessarily reflect the stance of The Ethiopian Herald
The Et
hiopian Herald June 19/2021